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Mr. Speaker, I yield. Gentleman from Massachusetts, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Kentucky, Mr. Massie. >> Gentleman is recognized. >> Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this

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war powers resolution because the integrity of this institution is at question. Every member of this house has a duty to uphold the Constitution

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systems of checks and balances by exercising its Article 1 powers entrusted to us. The executive's military exercise to

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capture the leader of Venezuela represents one of the most blatant usurpations of congressional authority we have seen in modern times. If we ignore it, we are not merely acquiesce

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acquiescing to executive overreach, we are rendering impotent our branch of government. Thomas Paine said in 1776, "A long habit

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of not thinking a thing wrong gives it a superficial appearance of being right." Some of my Republican colleagues may feel obligated to acquiesce because it's

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our party occupying the White House. It's our party who is the commander in chief, but the precedents we tolerate today will inevitably be used against us

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tomorrow when the reins of power change hands. That's precisely why our loyalty must be to the Constitution and not to any party. If our country wants war,

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then Congress must vote on it. We are the voice of the people. There's a reason so many of our offices bear a prisoner of war missing in action flag.

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It's a solemn reminder of the human cost of war and our obligation not be obligation of a single executive or a private circle of special interests to

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decide when to go to war. Even the executive branch knows that Congress had the authority, not them. Do you remember the night of the invasion? It was the

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Attorney General who explained this was just a law enforcement action that the military was merely assisting. And

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that's the problem we have. Because then it became obvious that we were undertaking a military exercise.

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And if the unilateral use of force were not enough, the executive has compounded this abuse by seizing Venezuela's oil revenues, selling them, and depositing

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that money in US Treasury-controlled accounts overseas. So now the the executive presumes the authority to appropriate money. That's a

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direct violation of the US Constitution. Article 1, Section 9, Clause 7 of the Constitution is unambiguous. No money shall be drawn from the Treasury but in

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consequence of appropriations made by law. There was no law. There has been no law to appropriate this money that was seized in an act of war. If we allow

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allow an executive to seize foreign resources and direct spending from pillaged accounts without congressional authorization, people no longer have a

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voice in their government, and Congress's power of the purse becomes moot. If the executive believes war is justified, then let Congress declare.

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If the executive believes foreign assets may be seized and spent and appropriated, then let Congress appropriate them. That is how a republic

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functions. And I yield back my time to the gentleman from Massachusetts.